We stayed closely connected with India after Uri attack


The U.S. backs India in its war on terror, telling Pakistan not to use its proxies across the border, says U.S. Ambassador Richard Verma in his first interview since the Uri attack. He spoke to Suhasini Haidar on the full range of U.S.-India bilateral relations as well as how he feels about the bitter U.S. presidential campaign that is coming to a close.

You were in the U.S., but you cut short your trip and returned to India after the Uri attack and India’s “surgical strikes”. How closely did the U.S. and India work in the aftermath of the attack?

We stayed very closely connected, our NSAs have been in contact, the Secretary of State has been in regular contact, our intelligence agencies offered all kinds of support in the wake of this cross-border terror attack which we strongly condemned. It’s important that we stay linked up, as we have for the last few years. We have also been quite tough on Pakistan, right from the President, the Secretary of State, the Secretary of Defence and the NSA, about the need for Pakistan to crack down on its safe havens, to crack down on the use of proxies to carry out terrorist attacks. We have to stand united and we stand in solidarity with India on that front.

On the day India launched cross-LoC strikes, NSA Ajit Doval spoke with NSA Susan Rice. Was the U.S. aware India was going to launch cross-LoC strikes that day?

I’m not going to get into the private nature of their conversation. As has been stated, India took the action it thought was necessary to defend itself, which we understand.

I believe the NSAs spoke the day before the action.

While the U.S. pays lip service on cross-border terror from Pakistan, on the ground, arms sales to Pakistan continue, military relations continue. When the U.S. drones attack terror camps in Pakistan, why are they never on camps of LeT or JeM?

If you look at our declarations on counter-terror in summits, there has been no distance between us on the need to crack down on terror. When it comes to policy, I think people may not know that the U.S. military assistance to Pakistan since 2011 is down 73 per cent, the U.S. economic assistance to Pakistan since 2011 is down 54 per cent. $300 million of assistance has been withheld, and we have taken steps to protect our interests. The problem of terror is not just a threat to Indians but to Pakistanis too.

On defence cooperation, after the LEMOA foundational agreement, how soon do you hope to complete the other foundational agreements?

The foundational agreements are a natural outgrowth of increased operational tempo of military establishments working together. We have moved way beyond the buyer-seller relationship.

Are there still no-go areas in this relationship given the Cold War past?

Prime Minister Modi himself said that we have overcome the hesitations of the past. Look, no one is looking for a treaty alliance, no one is calling for joint patrols in the South China Sea. I think this will go at a pace that the leaders are comfortable with. No faster, no slower, but it has been a rapid pace so far.

How about the pace of India’s bid for the Nuclear Suppliers Group?

We think that India is ready and should be a member of the Nuclear Suppliers Group, and are working quite vigorously to ensure a successful outcome.

One concern is that the U.S. hasn’t done the heavy lifting it could have. In 2008 President Bush directly called Chinese President Hu to make the waiver happen …

I think the President [Obama], the Secretary of State and other advisers have all been involved. Ultimately, the NSG is a consensus organisation and it takes a lot of hard work.

Is the U.S. engaging China on this issue?

We are engaged with every member of the NSG on India’s candidacy. There is a lot of support for India’s candidacy.

As someone who was on the Clinton team earlier, where do you see yourself after the November elections, and before the Obama administration demits office, what is the one Indo-U.S. agreement you would like to see through?

I do think the civil nuclear agreement is one that was transformative. This is one I would like to see to the finish line, and I would like to see a shovel get into the ground.

Will the U.S. stay the course with India, no matter who wins?

The U.S.-India relationship is non-partisan. Given that relations have soared both under Democrat and Republican ties, and that will be continued in the future.

As a second generation immigrant to the U.S., how worried are you, personally, by the polarisation in the U.S. campaign over race, ethnicity and gender issues?

I started working in politics when I was 18 years old, as an intern. I am also a proud immigrant as you said and very proud to have roots in India. I remember my mother studying to pass the immigration test, and being sworn in and how proud she was. But my mother spoke with an accent, my mother wasn’t Christian and my mother wore Indian clothes and cooked Indian food, and she was a special needs teacher, paid her taxes … In short, she was a great American. I hope that doesn’t get lost in this election in the context of what it means to be an American and what the American dream is all about. I will certainly keep standing up and fighting for that vision.

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